WS0155

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  • ROIIN COSANTA. BUREAU OF MILITARY HISTORY, 1913-21. STATEMENT BY WITNESS DOCUMENT NO. W.S. 155 Witness Alderman P.S. Doyle, T.D., Avondale, Tyrconnell Road Inchicore, Dublin. Identity Quartermaster of South Dublin Union Garrison, Easter Week, 1916; Lord Mayor of Dublin 1941-1943; 1945-1946. Subject Replies to Bureau Questionnaire on 1916 - Sections A. and B. C.D. No.97 is attached. Conditions, if any, stipulated by Witness Nil File No. S.274 Form B.S.M.2. Ref.: S. 274 QUESTIONNAIRE on The Rising of Easter Week 1916 and Associated Events ToMr. Peadar Doyle J.D. Avondale Lyrconnall Rd Ire Christ Dublin This questionnaireis the propertyof the Bureau. Statementor information given on any matter with whish it dealswill be treatedas confidential. 26 Westland Row, Dublin 'Phone: 61018 A. PERSONAL FACTORS. 1. At the commencementof the Rising were you a memberof anyof the fiveorganizationswhichtook part, viz.: The Irish volunteers Yes Irish Citizen Army Fianna ƒireann Hibernian Rifles Cumannna mBan 2. Were youa memberof theExecutive,H.Q. Staff, etc.? No 3. To what unit, e.g., Brigade,Battalion,Company, Etc., were youattached? Dublin Brigade. IV Baffin F Coy4. Didyou take part in the Rising? Yes. 5. Were you in uniform? Yes. but notensfule. 6. What wasyourrank or officeat thecommencement if the Rising? Coy - QR - Master. 7. Whenand by whomwereyouappointed? I was appointed on nomination. Coy Capt Can Colbert on formation of Coy F. 198. Was yourrank alteredduringtheRising? Yes. Inwhat circumstancesand by Whom?On hem mobilized by Capt Can Colbert on laster Monday. I was ordand to go as staff Orderly to comdt E Ceannt of assembas at Emerald Sq Dasphins Barn at 10 am. I was Cater appointed or my to Garrison. South Dublin Union. 2 9. What postsor officesdid you hold previously? QR master of Coy fromformation. 10. Who were the officersof your Brigade,Battalion and/or Companyimmediatelyprior to and during the Rising? 11. Which of your Unit officerstook part in the Rising? 12. Who wereappointedto replacethosewhodid not turn out and by whoseauthority? 13. At the time of the Risingwere you a memberof the I.R,B.? No 14. If so,what wasyourposition? 15. When did you join? Did not Join but was invited. of refused In what circle? Where did it usuallymeet? Who was its centre? How many memberswere there? Can you give names? By whomwere you introducedand by whomwere you swornin? at a hectare on a the brokens Sheaves. 41 Parnell Sq Dublin - - 98 Club. Some years before the Rising. 3 B.- THE VOLUNTEERS PRIOR TO THE RISING. 1. To what extent and in what way were the I.R.B. responsiblefor- (a) the formation of the Irish Volunteers,and (b) the directionof its policy? 2. What werethechannelsthroughwhichit exercisedits influence? 3. What membersof the I.R.B. held key postsin the Volunteers,and howwasthat arranged? 4. Did the circumstancesleading to the expulsion ofMr. JohnRedmond'snomineesfromtheExecutive of the Irish Volunteerson 24th September,1914, haveanybearingontheholdingof the First Annual Conventionon 25th October 1914? If so,how? TheConvention would in my of union have near held on any ones. but it was considered imparted in view of the Cage. number who nothing or progressfrom Volunteer always tothesplit 5. Had arrangementsbeenmadeto holdthe Convention beforethe expulsion? Convention was intended. to the beat of my holily. 6. Did the First Conventionclarify or develop the statedpolicy of the Volunteersin any way? St had the affect of olaysing The Position? that who remained, loyal to the IRISH Volunteers anticipated a Rising 7. How many delegatesat that Conventionwere membersof the I.R.B.? No Knowledge Howmanyweresupportersof theIrish Party? How many were supportersof Shin FŽin, i.e. Arthur Griffith's Policy How many had no affiliationwith any political party? Can von give names? 4 8. Between the First AnnualConventionon 25th October, 1914, and the Secondon 31st October, 1915, how often did the GeneralCouncilmeet? no Knowledge Are the minutes of these meetingsavailable? 9. Was general policy discussedat thesemeetings? How far was there unanimity of outlook within the Councilon policy? 10. Did theSecondAnnualConventionon31stOctober, 1915,considerpolicy, or clarify it or developit in any way? not award Canvon giveparticulars? Who led the discussions? What decisionson generalpolicy were made? 11. SevenG.H.Q postsare mentionedin the reportof the SecondAnnual Conventionof the Volunteers of 31st October, 1915. Accordingto information given in various issuesof the Irish Volunteer and elsewhere,these postsand the occupantsof someof them, were: 1. Chief of Staff -Eoin MacNeill. 2. Director of Arms-The O'Rahilly. 3. Director of Training-Thomas McDonagh. 4. Director of Military Organisatin-P. H. Pearse 5. Quartermaster-Michael Staines. 6. Director of Military Operations- 7. Director of Communications- Alderman P.S. Doyle, T.D. the policy of physical force had been preached for centuries in Ireland. Gnat and courageous efforts were made from time to time and many great Irish leaders - Tone and the United Irishmen, Fintan Lalor and Young Irelanders, John Mitchell, etc., advocated it, but it was only after the Boer War that militant nationalists created an impression that then was little or no hope of Ireland gaining her freedom unless they armed themselves. No physical force movement properly so called existed in Ireland in the 20th Century until the foundation of the Ulster Volunteers in the year 1912. That movement was unique inasmuch as it was founded to oppose and not to achieve National independence. It was also different from other physical force movements in Ireland in that it was to a great extent open instead of secret, On account of its apparent open character it was regarded at the time, and is even at this date regarded as theatrical rather than real. Whether or not it was ever intended to be a realmovement is of little practical concern to-day. Its founders and those prominently associated with it during its period of growth were scarecely people who, in any set of circumstances, mould be visualized in open conflict with the forces of the British Crown for the purpose of forcing the British Government to release its hold in this country, the truth probably is that the leaders of the movement were playing a political game in the interests of their own ascendancy in Ireland and in the interests of the British political party, with which they were associated. It is also probably true that the rank end file of the movement knew in their hearts that they would never be called upon to oppose the Crown forces, that the mere fact of their organizing would achieve the political ob3ects of the leaders, and that incidentally they would be left with a powerful organisation for the domination of those of their fellow-countrymen who differed from them in their political faith. These objects were in fact achieved in full by the Ulster Volunteers but only because the ruling part in England were weakened and luke-warm in their avowed policy of extending a Very modified and attenuated form of self-government to Ireland. It that ruling -2- party had possessed one half of the conviction and determination of their opponents, the Ulster Volunteer movement would have been put to the test, and that test must inevitably have exposed the weakness and hollowness of the movement, notwithstanding the fire-eating speaches and martial demonstrations that were such prominent features of the movement. Apart however from these considerations the Ulster Volunteer Movement had a value for Ireland which the history of the succeeding ten years very clearly demonstrates. The Arms Act had been repealed and technically at all events any Irishman could possess arms. Notwithstanding this, however, there can be no doubt but that if a national Volunteer movement had been started with the avowed object of national independence before the foundation of the Ulster Volunteer Movement, such national Volunteer movement would have been speedily suppressed. England would not have allowed the possibility of another 1782. It was only under cover of a movement like the Ulster Volunteer Movement that the National Volunteer Movement became possible. That possibility soon became apparent to those who, in the coming decade, were to become Ireland's political and military leaders and in 1913 the British Government, having tolerated the foundation and growth of the U1ter Volunteer Movement, had to look on while a similar national Volunteer movement took shape. There is little doubt but that even in these circumstances the British Government would have moved but for the fact that, secure in the consciousness of their own strength, they preferred to believe that the new movement, like its sister movement in the North, was mer1y theatrical and were fortified in that belief by the attitude of the people generally towards the movement and particularly by the attitude of tie then national political leaders. Neither of the Volunteer movements impressed itself on the public mind as a force to be reckoned with, until the Larne Gun-Running coup was carried out by the Ulster Volunteers. This was probably theatrical too, but it fored the public imagination and the National Volunteers had seriously to consider the question of arming. The result was the Howth gun-running episode which gave the first arms to the Volunteers and nearly precipitated a conflict with British forces on the same day. -3- That was the last Sunday of July, 1914, and it was on that day that shots were first fired in anger in the streets of Dublin by British forces in a conflict which did not end for seven years. As I have already stated the spread of the Volunteer movement was sensational and all over the country meetings were being held and companies formed, etc. Like every other individual who took an active part in the movement, there were many interesting and non-interesting incidents, that one could relate. It is my intention to refer to some of them and to give my own personal observations and experiences. Like most who attended the historic gathering at the Rotunda Rink Dublin on 28th November (?) 1913, I then joined the Volunteers and notwithstanding all the enthusiasm, it took some time to get the various districts moving in a disciplinary way throughout the country, every effort was made to get men of every party to join the Volunteers. At Rathfarnham in June 1914, Patrick Pearse, speaking as Commander declared that the Irish Volunteers should belong to no section of the Irish People, or make use of their arms except at the call of the Nation. The Inchicore organising meeting was fixed for the last Sunday in July, 1914, the day of the Howth gun-running and elaborate arrangements were madeto focus public attention on this meeting - all the principal leaders were billed to speak. Late on the previous Saturday night there Was a whispering rumour that there was "something Doing" on the Howth Road the following Sunday, 26th July, 1914. Being chiefly responsible for the organising of this meeting at Inchicore, I was obliged to return from Fairview as the meeting had been fixed for 4 p.m. Prior to that hour two bands and several thousand people had assembled at the meeting place. At 4. 30 there were no speakers and an empty brake for & platform. The Reverend Father T.W. Ryan, C.C., now P.P. of High Street, stepped into the breach and presided at the meeting. I was then faced with the embarrassment of standing up on a public platform for the first time, and having referred to the Ulster Volunteers and our justification for claiming the right to arm, a message was convoyed to me -4- that the South-Wales Borders had fired on the people at Bachelor's Walk, and. I accordingly took steps to close the meeting as quickly as possible, and. I fully realised the seriousness of the position in having such a large crowd gathered in close proximity to the Military Barracks. However, In doing so I requested the attendance of all desirous of joining the Volunteers at a neighbouring field on the following Tuesday. Over 1,000 men attended, companies were formed and Drill Instructors appointed. The Howth gun-running and its aftermath gave a tremendous fillip to the Volunteer movement but normal. developments got no chance of proceeding by reason of the outbreak of the Great War within a week. In the hectic excitement of that early war period, volunteering became suddenly fashionable. The political leaders of the nation lost their heads and pledged the country to support England in the war, They claimed the leadership of the Volunteers and to a certain extent Not it. The Volunteer Movement was inundated by members who at the time had no real sympathy with the real ideals of the Volunteers. Rapidly the Volunteer Movement was being converted into a recruiting instrument for the British Army. The inevitable split came when it could no longer be avoided. It may be out of place to refer briefly to this rather unfortunate upheaval as it affected the F. Co. IV Batt., of the Irish Volunteers and of which I held the post of Quarter Master. Having no records I cannot name the date, but I have a clear recollection of noticing that following the decision of the Executive Council, resolutions were sent to all Companies, p1eding allegiance to the respective leaders. There were general Committees made up of the Chief Officers of the Batta1ion and non-active members. On a particular Friday evening after Drill Practice, I noticed that some people who were conspicuous by their absence from meetings, for some time were in attendance on that particular occasion. At that tine the Company's funds were about 150. At the meeting referred to, as anticipated, the Resolution pledging allegiance to the Nat1onal or Redmondite Volunteers was moved but defeated by four votes to six, as a result of which one of the Trustees resigned and immediate steps were taken to fill his place. The late -5- Councilor Patrick 0'Carr 11, was appointed as on that particular night several important financial transactions, de erred from the previous week, had to be fulfilled. It is not pocaib1e for me to express our disgust and indignation in seeing such a splendid organisation of about 1,000 men assembling twice weekly for Drill and occasionally taking part in route marching and, field marching now breaking up. On one occasion 500 men marched and took Dart with the Dublin Brigade to Saucerstown, Swords, and on another occasion left Inchicore in the small hours of a Sunday morning and marched to the Dublin Mountains and back. The feeling, of most of those taking part was out true to obtain rifles and. there was much that the rumour was not true. Such was the enthusiasm But as I have stated be "split" came with all its evil effect. The Decision that a majority of the Committee of the Inchiore Volunteers had decided to stand by the executive Council was generally known the next day, end night after night the numbers attending drill-parade were showing a considerable falling off, until finally some 49 members remained and on the approach of the Winter the use of the Emmet Hall was obtained from the Irish Transport Workers' Union free of rent. It was now that the real Volunteer movement, with a minority of the members, but purged from Imperialism, again emerged and proceeded to prepare in earnest or the struggle which more far-seeing people said "must come sooner or later" as the authorities were becoming more vigilant coupled with the change of public opinion, and in some placesa hostile feeling against the Volunteers, the work of organisation which had to commence again and on a very definite understanding became very difficult. There were many stirring exciting events at this and other Volunteer quarters that tested the sincerity of those who had remained staunch and there are many stories to be told, but I will be content to refer to the remarkable courage and daring of Captain Con Colbert, who in full charge of the F. Coy., IV Batt. throughout the who1e period. 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'.t.j:.jt¥ rn teq at tvs.pt . .jst q.', ':TVl 't'p on #7 t1h 'ti .¥;.b.3, "Li't) ¥, b 3d24 OrE In b'.t.lI'i "tti . * tnVtcr, :;r c r ar. 'a ¥qi s, 1tt . 'ii, the u.p',bt PLC. tCn or iMqh ",,1trnt*irm st . ...csb.r 'r.T"Pjm In tfle Gtty. 1 t'e"nit .it't' Oti r4,?q4tch'g itt ti" y )hnren'q in:] I ',tn :1.... 't.c:lq 'ore- ansM't u t'.n fltZ t.ey ortsin1y ¥ ¥.tit!.ny, jr, : flos'. .¥s .. aeoft at. akc?Jt 2,tCC 'o1wtt.'y kc. 4;.. q( : .4. e'r'rli6 flu bsyciicts. 0's: t ' v¿J saCs sJitIo ::. IL n' t!ts flret tgaolgy of its tWa qt:SCM 7s: BEt t . Lu'e4 N :j. ( chq re.nLe ci n':c 11tCU9 to ive ecni¥rc' ?i' aSp .:t ,.. isnwl flsin, ¦2) sw :r of "hc¥ '4tV4 Li o!.CI tu'; 49t , '4 flght in ti. t ze of Gne t9. ¥xtrrot ftW$ te.s.'tli Lstrfliutcd tfl*t ,.t117 c.'.toIa.'.t tttrk". rPr,. " .c jqtMjstl 'ster !.iflgt nrtst 1arprs 't'te Vrju,sruap ¥J44 rviart :'1ytt ,Ir, 'teccz .i .. I n,'Cy ttnr.."a ' V 'rt.m't 'niq ce' i 14 ' t'7'%' fl 1:-u, rt'wnl ,.e ry..q Dy t?i' ' : ¥ nan rAt?" ,:¥ ' I t4lcv r '.atfl P ¥': ' iteFi tT1G11:.toVt uonatfl a,'t J1c1.tl.!tnfly r'.'arfltttr. patfl1'q 'uq'j tisa Ofl1:' * "t t 4 .4).: c'"'.r flole4 -7- propaganda of the Irish Volunteers. Occasional outbursts by prominent Loyalists calling on the British Government to take decisive action to curtail the activities of the Volunteers and the at same time to counter the opposition to Recruiting for the British Army ware made and the only reply was to the effect that the activities of the Organisation were receiving close attention. It would be impossible to enumerate the many interesting incidents of this period on any occasion like the presentingincidents of this period on any occasion like the present. On Good Friday night, there was a special mobilization order for parade at the Quarry 3rd Lock. It was dark but fine end as the members of the Company made their way to the meeting place there was treat surprise to find that there was a policeman on duty at this particular place. However, having passed through the entrance without comment, we were next confronted with an Irish Terrier, who Was fortunately chained up. The first job was placing a guard on the Policeman and another on the dog. Then Roll Call and a distribution of several thousand rounds of ammunition. Quite recently one of the men who spoke to me on that Good Friday reminded me of his query - "what is going to happen " My reply was "I don't know but wnoever cutlixes the next couple of months will have something to be proud of." At the time I did not know that I was a prophet. within an hour the Company dispersed and all looked forward to ester Sunday mornin for the Great Parade. No detailed history of the rising has yet been written and it is not my indention to deal with the wider issues of such a history. Apart from the spectacular side and the gesture to the world. which it constituted, the Rising was a small affair staged by a handful of determined men among a not too friendly population against the forces of an Empire in arms. Historians may dispute as to the wisdom or otherwise of that demonstration but Hone can deny the splendid courage of those who signed the proclamation of the Republic, of those who commanded the various positions which were occupied and finally of those who for a week stubbornly held the British Empire at bay. -8- The names of Plunkett, Connolly, Kent, Clarke, MacDermott, and McDonagh will live for ever blazoned in letters of gold on the pages of Irish history. In signing the Proclamation they voluntarily signed their own death warrants. Similarly, those who commanded the various posts, the signatories of the Proclamation, Cathal Brugha, Cosgrave, Eamonn de Valera NED Da;y, and all the others, some living, some dead, ranked themselves forever with those who throughout the ages of our Turkish Night battled for freedom. It would be invidious of me to attempt to apportion praise to living or to dead. All were animated with one soul and strove for one object. Ireland subsequently acknowledge them all. They interpreted her mind which she did not know herself and their names and deeds will remain among her most treasured possessions. So much for the general march of events. It is my honour to have been a Volunteer in 1916 and to have played my small part in Easter Week, and I will now proceed to relate to you some little incidents which had their serious as well as their humorous side, prior to 1916, and the impression which that memorable occasion left on my mind. I will also give you some idea of what life was like for sentenced Volunteers in English prisons during the following years. On Saturday morning I paid a visit to the Headquarters at Dawson Street and found all the furniture and paper, etc., had been removed. The week just passed was a week of the hardest work I have yet known. Ereparations were being made for the general Parade on Easter Sunday. Early on Saturday evening the news of Sir Roger Casement's arrest reached Dublin and created quite a sensation, which was followed quickly by his arrival at Kingsbridge under armed escort. At 10.30 that night the late Councillor W.P. Pattridge called at my home. He had just returned from Tralee where he had gone that morning with a despatch from Headquarters. We discussed the situation generally regarding the "parade" arranged for the morning (Sunday) and the developments resulting from the capture and arrest of Sir Roger Casement the official announcement of which, on 24th April, was as follows. -9- During the period Apri1 20th to 21st an attempt to land ammunition In Ireland was made by a vessel under the guise of a neutral merchant ship but in reality a German auxiliary in conjunction with a German submarine. The Auxiliary sank and a number of prisoners, including Sir Roger Casement, were made." I had a good shake-hands with Bill Partridge that night or rather morning and our next meeting, was in Lewes Prison nine months later. Easter Sunday morning all were astir but the arrival of the Sunday Independent gave the announcement that the "Easter Manoeuvres" would not take place. Mr. Eoin MacNeill, Chief of Staff's letter changed the whole position. The letter wag as follows - "Owing to the very critical position, all orders given to Irish Volunteers for to-morrow, Easter Sunday, are hereby rescinded and no parades, marches, or other movements of Irish Volunteers will take place. Each individual Volunteer will obey this order strictly in every particular." So Easter Sunday passed off in a kind of subdued disappointment and anxiety as to what might happen next. Those who were directly interested and who had definitely decided to "pin their colours to the mast" felt that all was gone and that another link was to be added to the long chain of ill luck and misfortune, that had so often in the past dashed the hopes and aspirations of Irish Nationalists. This Was how I felt and thought, to be in the hands of the enemy was one thing, but to be subjected to derision and contempt was uncomfortable and discouraging. So it cannot be claimed that the Volunteers enjoyed any popularity at this period of their existence but there was a remarkable change later. Feeling somewhat the worse of the exertions and excitement of the previous week, I decided to rest on Easter Monday, but as it afterwards traneo1red the Council or Headquarters Staff had been in session over night and In the early hours of Easter Monday a mobilisation order was issued by Commandant Thomas MacDonagh to the effect that the four City -10- Battalions would parade at 10 a.m. that day - Fu1l arms and equipment and one day's rations. At 9 o'clock the Military Council at full strength deliberated on the drafting of an emergency Proclamation. In Dublin, the Volunteers who answered the mobilisation order assembled at their posts at 10 o'clock as directed. In the meantime the authorities were deliber- ating in Dublin Castle and it had been decided to arrest and intern the leaders. This decision was postponed in view of the all-Ireland mobilisation being called off. I was reading the Daily Independent at five minutes past mine precisely, when Captain Con Colbert knocked at my door and inquired for me. My wife having directed him to my room he said to me "Good morning, Peadar", "Get to Emerald Square, Dolphin's Barn by 10 o'clock act as Sraff Orderly to Commandant Eamonn Ceannt". Where will I find him " I enquired, "You will have to find him yourself" he replied, and left saying that he was going to Blanchardstown. I immediately dressed and bade what at the time I thought was a last farewell to my wife and family. I walked by Golden Bridge Grand Canal and arrived at Emerald Square at 10 a.m. precisely, to find that I was to first to arrive excepting a Policeman on duty. I will leave it to your imagination as to how one could or should feel under the circumstances, parading for about half an hour attired in a semi-mi1itary uniform, fully armed and 500 rounds of ammunitiom, etc., and your only companion a Policeman. However, relief Came at last by Paddy McGrath shouting through a yard gate " Come in out of that". On entering the yard there was the late Mr. John McCabe's cart loaded with war material and flying two large tri-colours. It was now nearing 11.30 and over 100 Volunteers bad by this time assembled, including Officers Eamonn Ceannt, Cathal Brugha, Liam T. Cosgrave and Con Colbert. At this time, while the Volunteers were assembling at half a dozen centres in the City, the Citizens were bustling through the city to take the fullest advantage of enjoying themselves. It was -11- gloriously fine and there Was no thought in the ordinary mind that an inurrect1on was in the making. However, they had not long to wait and at or around the hour of 12 o'clock Dublin awakened end knew that there was something more then Volunteer parade afoot. The order to "move Off" Was given and parties marched to take over the Dublin Union and Marrowbone Lane Distillery and Jacob's. the route to the Dublin Union was by Cork street, Robert Street, Basin Street, into James' Street and sharp to the chime of 12 o'clock the leaders had the keys of the Gates in their possession and some fifty men were inside and persons desiring to leave were permitted to do so. The Gates were then bolted and comp1ete possession of the whole situation taken. As Staff Orderly to Commandant Ceannt and Brugha an inspection with the Survey Maps of the buildings was made and men armed with Howth Rifles, etc., were posted on various parts of the grounds and buildings. On entering the Convent one of the Nuns Whoopened the door inquired from me if we had come to read the Gas I polite1y but quickly replied "NO sister, but we are in a hurry". At that time the present site of the Corporation Cottages, Ceannt's Fort, named after Commandant Ceannt was known as McCaffrey's Orchard. About one dozen men were stationed here under cover of the trees and no sooner had they taken up their posts than a detachment of Infantry marched from Richmond Barracks. Our men immediately opened fire and there was a number of casualtieson both sides but it was generally believed that the military suffered the most killed. This had the result of holding off the attack contemplated. I think it was in this affray that Volunteers Owens and Donnellan were killed and Dan McCarthy and, a couple of others wounded. The Dublin Union one of the strong positions held by the Vc1unteers and several. attacks were made from different points and there were a number of very stiff encounters. Having decided -12- to make the Garden Huts the Headquarters, we took possession of a large room facing the Canal Walk. Ceannt and Brugha and Cosgrave took Council and I had the privilege of writing the first despatches to the 0/c's at Marrowbone Lane and Jacob's Factory. During the dictating and writing of the despatch bullets were coming through the window of the hut and when I left to give the despatches to Volunteer Joe. O'Gorman we were subjected to a. volley of rifle fire from a number of about 10 soldiers who had mounted the canal wall opposite ad about 200 yards distant. Fortunately their aim Was not so good or perhaps it was the difficult position they held on the wall that embarrassed them, at any rate they were driven off. it was now evident that with the small force available it not possible to defend the entire area and Csograve, who had a general knowledge of the buildings, suggested that the stone building on the west side would be the Headquarters. I then got orders to have our ammunition removed to this position at the Nurses' quarters which lay at an agle with, and adjacent to the front offices, both granite buildings overlooking the Square. Inside the front sate of James' Street, there were roughly 48 men defending the whole position, 25 of whom were in the Nurses' Quarters, as an attack was anticipated from the Canal side and we had not long to wait. How to get the boxes of ammunition and equipment removed from the dray to the new quarters set me thinking, because at this time I was isolated from the Company. My instructions were to command a group of inmates to handle the goods but I had no experience of that method. I trued another way and put a price on the job. In lees than ten minutes it Was Completed and so I ot out of a difficulty. The siege had now begun and all hands settled down to barricading. Although there had been a good deal of skirmishing around the whole Union area, it seemed quite evident that the sniping end roar of the Howth Rifle fire left the military who already had quite a number killed, that they did not feel quite sure of their position. -13- Commandant Ceannt fixed a large tricolour flag to the top window of the west wing, which seemed to act as a challenge to the Crown forces. A machine gun was placed on the roof of the Royal Hospital and it played on our flag end quarters from dawn to dark. Towards evening, matters quietened and our men started to break through the 18" granite walls in order to keep in communication with the main building. The work was a somewhat difficult job but it was soon completed. The problem of providing protection for the attendant in bringing food to the Hospital and particularly to the Mental Wards was attended to with many exciting incidents. When the day was coming to a close fresh outposts were elected for duty and it was not without its alarms. My companion In a large room facing out on to the Square had just taken on "Watch". It was very dark, so I rested on the opposite side of the room. He got into trouble with his Howth Rifle by a cartridge getting jammed. However, all I can remember is the flare and the noise for t accidentally went off with a bang and alarmed the "camp". On the fo1lowin day, Tuesday, a determined attack was made from the inside of the Union Grounds and a rush was made to the barricades towards the door or porch entrance to our Headquarters. The attack was repulsed and several soldiers were killed. So quick was the fire from the Volunteer quarters that the leader was shot dead and the others made their retreat. There was one amusing incident in connection with this attack. One very tall soldier got into the Carpenters' shop which wasat that time near the front gate, and as he knew from an occasional shot that he was "covered" he remained there until taken out in coffin. I happened to meet this soldier afterwards in Richmond Barracks and he himself drew up the conversation and enjoyed it immensely. He further admitted that the authorities were of opinion that there were at least 500 men defending the Union and had they know there were only 50 he said "none of us would have ever left alive." It was while keeping watch that Volunteer Frank Burke, Mr. Cosgrave's step-brother was shot, the bullet passing through his throat. -14- On the following morning, I went to the top room of the building where he lay to see him and were it not for Liam O'Flaherty who shouted "lie down" I would have met the same fate as there Was a continuous sniping and machine gun fire from the Royal Hospital. I was on my hands and knees when a bullet passed through both sides of the wooden partition of the passage about 4" over my body. I said a prayer for Frank Burke, Liam O'Flaherty and myself. The control of rations and the feeding of the garrison had up to this stage been overlooked so this post was allotted to me on the Tuesday evening. Of food we had full and plenty and frequently small parcels of cooked food were thrown over the wall and messages of a friendlynature gave us the impression that there was a change of opinion in our favour in the City. Wednesday was the day of calm before the storm. On Thursday some of our men had just partaken, and others were disturbed from their midday meal, bu the call of "Enemy attack - to your guns ". Cosgrave raised the alarm and sent me to inform the group in charge of Captain Murphy at the Front building which was surrounded on all sides by a considerable force of military. This wasmy first venture to reach the other party of our men as there wasalways the danger of sniping. In making my way as instructed, I found. that the barricades which had been erected by our men had been removed from a door and it was just a coincidence that a group of soldiers carrying some material, who were making their way towards ti1s entrance were noticed in time. When they saw they were under observationsthey decamped. Mad these soldiers made their Way through the door in ouestion, our two forces would have been separated and the results of the day's fighting would have been quite different. I discussed this point Eamonn Ceannt the following day. Although I insisted that I had passed through this particular door and that it was my Contention that the inmates were responsible, still he insisted that the barricades had not been removed. But he was satisfied that if the military had got through we would have had a different story to tell. -15- However, having delivered the message to Captain Murray, I made my return, scaling ladders, etc., and when about to enter the kitchen which I had left l5 minutes previously I met Sean MoClyna running towards andinformed me that we ware surrounded. We c1imbed on to an outhouse, got on to a roof and then climbed a wa1l on to the main building. This wasabout 3.30 o'clock p. m. and bath of us 1ay on our back on the7 roof valley under machine gun fire from the royal hospital and a sniper from a house on the South Circular Ford. With Reference to the latter, a Mr. Hogan, the tenant of the house referred to informed a couple of years afterwards that two officers of the Army were about arresting him on a charge of signaling to men on the roof of the Dublin Union and that they hesitated because they are under the impression that the two men referredto had been shot. It was close on 11.30 p. m. when we heard Ceannt and Congreve Whistling "sod save Ireland" quite close to where we lay and it was then only that we ventured to leave our position. On our return to the Headquarters we realizedthe desperate fight that had taker place, although we had been expecting every minute that the whole to etherwith ourselves would have been blown sky-high. Catual Burghs lay inconscious on the kitchen. floor having lost a greet quantity of blood due to his eighteen wounds. It Lranspired that the military were clove enough to hear him challenge thew to "come on and sight" which the result that their fire was concentrated on the direction from which the voice came. In aviate steps ware takenfor His removal to the Infirmaryand on Friday father Gerard, C. O. C., arranged for his removal to a City Hospital. May I avail of this a cortunity of paying tribute to this kindly priest and to the other priests who ministered to our spiritual needs during the week The attack on to is Occasionwasthe most severe and lost of the week and the greatest rossib1e credit is due to the defenderswho courageously he1d the position. The attack commenced about 3 p. m. and continued for close on four hours and it was estimated that at least 600 military took part. -16- The building consisted of six sections, Cathal Brugha, took charge of one, Hamonn Ceannt the other upstairs, and Lisa T. Cosgrave the ground floor. The severity of the fightmay be gleaned from the damage done. There was little or no plaster left on the walls of the rooms, furniture was broken and it was only the strong granite stone walls that could withstand the machine and rifle fire and several attempts were made to un ermine the building by boring. On Friday there was a lull in the operations and on Saturday morning the surrender of the Volunteers was contaminated because on Friday a petrol. shell struck the roof of the G. P. O., and the whole building burst Into flames. Pearse gave the order to remove the wounded and evacuate the Post Office and he himself was the last to leave the blazing headquarters. New headquarters were then established in Moore Street. The Post Office collapsed in a roar and it looked as if all Dublin was in flames. espatch carrying was on the wane. The last news on Friday was not reassuring. In the provinces all was quiet. contrary to expectations the military had bombarded anything that came in their way; they were in a frenzy and had stopped at nothing ; their deter- mination was to level the City. Pearse aocording1y summed up the position as follows - "I desire now, lest I may not have an opportunity later, to pay homage to the a1lantry of the soldiers of Irish freedom who have during the week been writing with fire and steel the most glorious chapter in the later history of Ireland." The Headquarters staff decided that enough fled been done and that it was time to arrest the slaughter of the civil population by British shel1s and bullets. Dublin had been redeemed from many shames and made her came splendid among the names of Cities and as I heard Pearse say one might in Brunswick Street "Dublin has one great shame to wine out and that is that no men risked his life to save Robert Emmet." Dublin has wiped out that shame. -17- On Saturday, it was decided to capitulate and on Sunday morning a message to that effect reached the Dublin Union addressedto Commandant Ceannt and later Commandant General Thomas Mcronach accompanied by Father Augustine, C. F. C. M., Church Street attended officially. Commandant Ceannt then addressed the whole group of men and informed them of the decisions of Headquarters. Bug actions were made that all should escape, as there was no military guard. I was one of those to make thecase for a complete surrenderon the grounds that he had stood together all through the fight and ought to stand together to the end. This was agreed to but nevertheless several broke away. The call to parade in the square at the Union was to humiliation. Be marched along to the gate to be met with marked enthusiasm by a great crowd of people. All along the route to it, Patrick's place we weregreeted with great jubiliation particularly inthe poorer areas. The surrender took place with the Volunteers in military formation all guns, etc., being laid on the ground. Major Armstrong, who was in charge of the military, personally questioned a11 the Volunteers as to their names and addresses and made a demand for the surrender of a11 arms. We then marched to Richmond Barracks under an elaborate military escort and packed into rooms in which we had barely room to stand, The following members of the F. Coy. IV Batt. were on active service during thisI Lester Week in different areas. That is 42 out of 49 (See List.) journey from Patrick's Place to Richmond Barracks was not so free and easy as the journey. from the Union. The presence of the Military escort somewhat encouraged those who had no sympathy with the Volunteers and I well recollect hearing many uncomplimentary shouts when we passed the street crossings at Ki1mainham and at Richmond Barracks Gate certain people at the latter place very definitely informed the Military Guard whenwe were passing, through that they were not Sinn Feiners. Some years later when the English had left it was amusing to hear their voices -18- shouting "Up the The who1eale arresting of men in different parts of the city and country took place and very soon the Barracks was full. Immediately it was possible to get any of the "G" men to identify different people, most of those ni1entified were drafted off to Internment camps in England. Those who had carried arms or were in any way identified with the Volunteer movement Were Subjected to rigid interrogation and inquiry. For this purpose some hundred or more were removedto theGymnasium. There was a glass door at the entrance to the Hall, though which we could see "The Prince" and other prominent " " men who, were watching their "prey". As they identified. anyone they immediately entered and picked us out from the Group. In my case and in several other cases, a local policeman came over and asked some question. "Such and such" "Where have you been " and gettingand getting no answer he retired. Then a Military Officer came and took each one away. There were in one in about 16 or 18 of us who were courtmartialled next day - 36 man, in all were courtmartialled and we now had the Hall to ourselves an armed guard. Major John McBride, who all along had no doubt of his own. ultimate fate, provided us with rugs and coats which he hired from the Guard at 6d each as the cold was intense. I think it Was on Monday morning that Major MacBride called over Inspector Love and said to him in my presence that he thought that some mistake had been made by my selection as one of the Headquarter Staff. Love inquired my name and then retorted is it "so and so" of Inchicore. Yes, was the Major's reply, and the result of McBride's inquiry is still a mystery. I refer to this incident for the purpose of paying tribute to a great man. MacBride when questioned at his courtmartial said "I fought against England in South Africa, I fought against them in this revolt for Irish freedom and if I live and it is necessary,I would fight against them again." P. H. Pearse, Thomas McDonagh, Tom Clarke, Joseph Plunkett were not in this particular Group. Eamonn Ceannt one to us early one -19- morning and save instructions that each of us was to make the best defence possible. Geannt's face was badly torn by a soldier when shaving him. Ceannt himself made a masterly defence on some legal points but bade us all farewell. The Courtmartial consisted of three Army Officers. The charge made against myself was generally the same "That you took up arms and conspired against his Majesty's Governmentwith a view to helping our friends the Germans", Q You took part in an armed Revolt against the Government at Jacob's Factory - Guilty or not guilty. A. Not guilty of helping the Germans and not guilty of beingin Jacob's factory. A series of other questions and answers followed and a query if any witnesses were available. The 1ast I saw of Sean MacDermott was on Wednesday When a party of about eight of us were being brought under Military escort to Kilmainham jail end on that Wednesday Morning,P. H. Pearse, T. McDonaghand Tom Clarke were executed. On Sunday Joseph Plunkett, Edward Daly, Michael Hanrahan and Wil1iam Pearse were executed and the others to suffer the death penalty were Con Colbert, Eamonn Ceannt, Connolly, Sean MacDermott,H. Heuston, M. Mallin and John MacBride and Thomas Kent in Cork, a total of 15. During the nights or early mornings it was easy to realise that the executions were taking place and no one knew their fate until Saturday at midday when we were somewhat consoled when a Military Officer accompanied by a Sergeant entered the cel1s and conveyed to us the decisions of the various courtmartials. At about three o'clock that eveningwe were conveyed to MountjoyPrison. When passing out of Kilmainham Prison I met a well known lady, Miss Gifford at the gate and she very kindly undertook to take a note home for me. When we arrived at Mountjoywe enjoyed our fist wash for several days - our hot bath on reception was a luxury. Prison clothes were supplied and the usual regu1ations, viz., photographing, finger prints, etc., were enforced. -20- On the whole things were quiet generally. On Friday (after a week's lodging here) a warder came to my cell and inquired how I was progressing with my P. O. sack - my first attempt at sack making. He told me to it for someone else to finish and to get ready to leave for an English prison. An hour later we were on our way to the North Wall and put aboard a B. & I Boat. As well as I can remember I think there were 57 prisoners in the group around for Portland Prison. A military officer came to us in the hold of the boat and inquired as to what we wanted. Tom Hunter told him very quickly that we wantedtea, sugar and cigarettes . He left and returned with a good supply. He then asked several question and summed up by saying that he was at the battle of dons and that it was only "so and so" to the battle in O'Connell Street, but that we the Volunteers must have known that He was an Irishman and although he had not even a stick of rhubarb with which to defend himself he did not even get hit. He further remarked that we started the "racket" too soon and he bid us good night and good luck and the boat steamed oft. The Port Holes were our only means of observation and when passing Lambay Island and Ireland's Eye, Seamus Hughes gave us the "Last Glimpse of Erin" in his usual great style. all went well Until we reached Holyhead anmetime after midnight. A large crowd awaited us here and in double file we were taken from the Boat to the train between a double file of Military with fixed Bayonets. The crowd which was exceptionally hostile surged around us. when our train stopped on a later part of our journey a crowd gathered around our reserved carriages, and the 0/C in chare, however, gave instructions for all blinds to be drawn and no person was permitted to loiter near our carriage. Our military escort on the whole were not unfriendly and they invariably sought"Rosaries" We reached Portland Prison about 7 p.m. that evening and were immediately paraded in the Reception Hall and the Riot Act was read to us. Several of the warders here were half-oastes and offered us very little consolation. We were committed to our cells andgiven a change of clothes, which consisted of a buff coloured jacket, boat cap, corduroy -21- breaches, with the broad arrow prominently displayed all over in zig-zag form, black and red stockings and black shoes. The Reverend D. O'Loughlin, the Prison Chaplain paid us an early visit and gave us some consolation. For the first month we were in solitary confinement making sacks in our Cells. Portland Prison was looked upon. as the principal prison in England for discipline and cleanliness. Severalof the warders were very strict and some of our men were frequently punished by being confined to the "Clink" a dark cell and bread and water for the trivial offences, suchas talking. The Governor was a very critical man and never lost an opportunity of abusing any prisonerswho were brought before him. There are many strange stories regarding him. however, as I have stated the fullest discipline and regulations were enforced. The whole 57 Irishmen were stationed in one wing of the Prison. Our daily exercise consisted of half an hour after break- fast and half an hour after dinner. Letters were permitted once a month and in lieu of a visit. The letters were subject to censorship and an enquirytook place in which a number of our prisoners were Questioned as to who were Cathleen O'Houlihan and Mary Dwyer. One answered that they were two very old sisters and that they had very 1arge families. A surprise order met with general resentmentandprotest. All hands were paraded but in small groups for a "Day Bath" which took the form of a "surprise search". Everytime one left his cell be was searched and On the day chosen for the "Dry Bath" every article in the cell was thrown about and there was very little time given for tidying again. coming near Christmas the demand of our friends at home were beginningto bear fruit. After seven months important and Dartmoor the whole 125 prisoners were removed to Lewes Prison. Here there was general rejoicing as many of those who had been active1y engaged during the Rising had not an opportunity until now of comparing notes. The Authorities however endeavoured to preventassociation, talking, etc., but in this they failed, A Committeewas formed consisting Of Eoin MacNeill,Eamonn de Valera, E. Duggan and Thomas Ashe who prepared 22 a programme for an appeal to the Governor and through him a to the Government for political treatment. It was decided that - 1. We were to refuse to work, except for our own comfort comfort andcleanliness. 2. We were to refuse to exorcise with criminals or associate with them except at Church. 3. Our hair was not to be shaved. 4. The abolition of certain rules. The presenting of these proposals in the course of a few months was decided on and every prisoner was made fully acquainted as to what was expected of him. When hostilitiescommenced it was pointed out that there was very little hope of the Government Rome Office yielding to our request and that all kinds of punishments would be imposed and if necessary very drastic neasures would be taken insisting on the observance of the Prison Rules and that small groups would be trans- ferredto different English Prisons and forced to associate with criminals. The whole group was then divided up in various working parties and at the conclusion of Exercise the prisoners would file up in the respective parties, laundry, Workshep, Garden, Sweeping, Cooking Etc., There was an occasional invasion on the M.O. to com- plain. On the first hair-cutting day at Lewes, a few of us were ordered to the ground floor for a "hair out". Just as the Barber, was operating,the Governor. whom I must bore state was a human, decent man, observed that I was remonstrating with the barber arid he inquired the cause. I told him that the machine was. pulling the hair out in- stead of cutting it and later that night he called to my cell and inquired if I was the man who had his whiskers pulled. I replied that I was and he said he was very sorry but that it was hos nis fault. One day the stirabout was exceptionally thin and 130 applied for cards for the 14.0. Willie Corrigan was about third to get as fares there ctor's room. Ho was asked what was wrong and when he made his complaint the Doctor replied that "he would see into it". Corrigan answered by saying "well Sir, if you do, you'll see the bottom." There was one of the party who for some roaao4 or other used to reserve all the day's food, breakfast, and dinner until the rea 23 hour. The Sweeping gang which onnsisted of R. Brennan H. Boland and two others, raided this: man's cell one day and eat all his potatoes, 1eaving him only the skins. The Governor at Lewes wanted his house decorated. A painting job had already been done by our painters and Decorators " Thornton and Co., " and he was so pleased with the work that they were approached and promised to do a good job. The Governor's house was some distance from the Prison. After thinking the matter over, the work was started on an estimate supplied by the Engineer. The work was a few weeks in hand when the Engineer queried the cost and the job showing no signs of completion although there was a general approval of the workmanship. However, a strike was declared and the work was only resumed on conditions that there would not be any further inter- ference. When it was finished the Governor brought his friends to see it and it was some time before anyone realised that the doors and panels etc., had boon painted Green, white and orange. Before the walls were painted one of the gang was selected to keep the Warder in charge engaged talking on the political situation in Ireland, and relating all kinds of stories and tales, while the painters were in the meantime busy painting "This house has been decorated by the Irish Prisoners of War, 19l7." before putting on the wall paper. Bill Partridge was in very poor health and was given an open air job at the Prison entrance. The Warders here had an opportunity of talking and they always availed of it. Having complained that he usually got very sich crossing the Irish Channel as it was very rough the Warder queried as to why he did not come all the way in the train - wasn't there an Irish Mail and a "connection" with England. "There is" says Partridge "but not by rail." The occasion of the Longford E1etion was one of general enthusiasm when the news came through that Joe McGuinness had been elected, he was chaired through the grounds. The different religious festivals were fuly observed on al elaborate scale and our songsters, Gerald Crofts, Seamus Hughes, and T. Bevan etc., ably contributed at the special services at Xmas and Easter, together with the Prison Choir. The publication of a Journal which was named In Bristol! "The Bugle" 24 was given very favourable support. Almost every one of the group in someway or another assisted in its publication and manufacture. Our literary men contributed articles In Irish andEnglish and it was without. doubt a valuable souvenir but unfortunately it was captured on the occasion of the order confining all prisoners to "Separate Cells." The starting of a satirical journal "LewesLaughter" was interrupt- ed by the "breaking up" of the Prison, which I will now describe from memory. Messages had already passed between the Prison and our people in Dublin and on Whit Saturday an expected wire in code arrived for Harry Boland "Uncle Bob is dead." As this message was in care of the Chaplain he called on Boland and expressed his regret and undertook to say a Mass on the following Sunday. Boland had no alternative but to explain and full confidence was malni1ainod. On whit Sunday at exorcise she word was passed roundhat all articles on loan were to be re urned and that a search would be made at any time. On Monday morning, as exercise had concluded the air was full of electricity. All Working Parties had assembled for their respective occupations when as arranged the Prisoners' Committee headed by Mr. de Valera, approached the Chief Warder, who stood in the centre of the grounds and handed him an ultimatumbased on the lines already referred to, demanding political, treatment. Precisely at the imment of the handing of the papers, which consisted of several sheets of foolscap, the whole body lifted their caps and gave three ringing cheers. Sean Etchingham shouting said "Oh boys that has been heard in Ireland." The cheers brought the Governor from his office. The Head Warder explained the position to him and eth advanced to the men and the Governor informed them that he could not comply with the request as it was a matter for to Home 0ffice. The Warders were in a state of panic and from what we could learn they had never experienced a mutiny before. The Governor also in- vited anyone who did not wish to be Punishedas a result of this insubordination to step forward. No one complied and the order was then given to put the prisoners in "separate cells" that is solitary confinement. Our leaders fully anticipated the general course of 25 events that would take place and orders had been given in advace to meet every situation. It was arranged that alter tea each evening prisoners could if they so desired, indulge in singing, but it should cease at 8 p.m. This routine was followed throughout the week arid all were in solitary confinement. However, a note was given to the cooks to pass round when serving meals which was to the effect that when any number of the priosoners left their cells on Saturday or Sunday morning for Church, they were to place books in their doors and bang them on their return. The note was Intercepted and we were not permitted to leave our cells for Mass on Sunday. Mass was daid in the Main Hall. However, on Sunday evening as arranged, singing continued as usual until 8 p.m. and we afterwards learned that a great crowd of residents gathered each evening outside the prion to listen to the singing and that our Chaplain, Dr. O'Loughlin, was often address- ed as the Sinn Fein Priest. Sharp at the striking of eight, Harry Boland sang "God save Ireland" and all joined in. As Prearranged, at the finish of the song, a general cheer was accompaniedby every prisoner breaking one pane of glass in his cell. It was not possible for me to describe this incident, it was a scene not to be forgotten. I happened to be in a Gate Cell on the ground floor and I have no hesitation in saying that I sympathised with the Governor as he ent- ered the Hall bareheaded. The noise and turmoil of a few moments ago was now "dead" and complete silence prevailed. The next morning the warders called and took an inventry of the damage done in each cellcell. This breaking up of material in the cells continued on a greater scale than was anticipated. In one case a man named O'Brien took all the screws from his cell and when the warder opined it that mornig it fell asunder - this was certainly an engineering feat. Rumours then spread that certain prisoners were being transferred elsewhere and the uproar continued to such an extent that there was nothing left unbroken that could possibly be broken. Pandemonium continued and on Wednesday of that week the first couple of newly constituted parties were despatched in full prison regalia 26 handcuffed and in chains. On Thursday Paul Galligan and I were handcuffed together and with four others, Robert Brennan, the two Bevans and Faulkiner, were linked together with a Brace chain when on the public road. Immediately any of these groups left the Prison there was continued singing of national songs which had the warders who were in charge, in a state of frenzy. Our destination this time was Park- hurst and the journey from Lewes was a long one. At Brighton, Station, nine of us were put sitting in a Waiting Room. Sitting right opposite I saw a very familiar face, in theperson of Michael Staines, now Senator Staines. Using a litle Irish, I spoke loudly to a couple of my companions, who were a couple of yards away from me, and I got a reply in return which brought a smile to Michael's face. Later on when were in our compartments on the train, Staines approached, with a view to entering the compartment as an ordinary passenger, but be was old that he could not get accommodation. The Warder, turning to Paul Galligan and myself, inquired who was the intruder. I replied that he was possibly a Pressman and that he should not be let into our carriage as we did not want him. Taking a Prayer Book from my pocket,I tore the blan1 leaf from the end of it and a version ofwhat was taking place, together with the names of those travelling, was then written on it. Galligan rolled this slip of paper up in the form of a ball arid as the trained moved off, Staines on the alert on the platform, the paper was "shot" out to him andhe held it under his foot, until the train left. On the following morning the "Independent" fully reported the removal etc., from which the following is an extract IRISH PRISONERS AT LEWES REMOVED TO OTHER JAILS. (passed by Censor.) "The authorities, it is understood, intend (says our London Corres- pondent) to transfer nearly all the 117 Irish Prisoners who were incarcerted ay Lewes Prison to other Prisons. So far about 30 prisoners have been transferred; Professor De Valera and Mr. Thomas Hunter to Maidstone and the following amongst others to the number it is believed of 20 - Robert Brennan, Ennisecorthy, Thomas and Charles Bevan, Peter Doyle, J. Faulkner, George Plunkett (all Of Dublin) Joe Burke (Oranmore) and Peter Galligan (Gavan) to Parkhurst Prison 27 (Isle of Wight). Other prisoners have been distributed throughout England. T The Prisoners, it is stated, have been compelled to leave all their personal belongings, their books, etc., behind them at Lewes. The appearance of a batch of Irishmen on the platform at Brighton Station, the terminus of the Lewes branch line, created some sensatin and considerablespeculation among the many who were on the platforms of this Important terminus. From their appearace, the men were obviously not ordinary criminals. Some people mistook them for German Prisoners, others for conscientious objectors, but the real identify of the prisoners was soon discovered. The disclosure increased the anrosity of the spectators, but there was no manifestation of anything beyond surprise." On arrival at Southampton, we were escorted to a waiting steamer. On entering the Saloon we noticed that our company crossing to the Isle of Wight, was not up to our expectations. There were a number of British soldiers, one of whom stood over six foot high. We were all seated on one side, as were all chained together. Bob Brennan started the racket by singing. "At Boolavogue when the Sun was setting we drove the English far away". Instainly this giant crossed over to us and the aggressiveness started. The Warders appealed for the cessation of the songs but we gave the appeal the deaf ear end the soldiers got boisterous. Strange to relate we won and it was only when we reached Parkhurst Prison that we ceased singing. The Parade took place with the usual retort "We won't stand any nonsense. bore". As Galligan and I were on the hospital list, we/ were sent to hospital cells. Next day. we were all paraded individually before the Governor who expressed a wish that our term there would be as short as posside but that we would have to confirm to the rules. We were next invited to take exercise but refused. Pressure was brought to boar onseve1 but only one gave way. Sunday mornig came and we were looking forward to meeting our other companions as we had been isolated for the previous few days. 28 Leaving my cell which was on the fourth storey, I saw a party of Prisoners of all shades on the ground floor. When I reached the end of the stairs a man with three red bars on his coat, equalling three rears, beckoned to me. I went over to him and stood in the file beside him. He shook my hand saying "I am an Irishman too" - "Do you know so and so." I said "Yes, He is O.K.". "Keep your heart up" he said "do not mind these fellows here they are the scruff of England and if you want to do the same here as you all did in Lewes we will be with you." We got the order to march and when we arrivedat the Church we found that all our companions had got together. Mass over we anticipatedtrouble and it came. Marching to the exercise ground Brennan whispered when I give the word "One step to the rear" be on the alert. In a few moments we got the "Halt." then "stand at ease." Brennan then gave his order which was responded to and the excietment commenced. The result was that we were again ordered to separate cells. We had only reached our cells when we heard glass breaking and it transpired afterwards that a Scotchmanthinking that there was another revolt had joined in the "scrap". I was confined to bed sick on Monday. When the Doctor entered the dell the first question he asked was "Is this another Irishman" and when the Warder replied "Yes" he said "there is nothing wrong with himthat I see." We were again brought before the Governor on Monday to explain our conduct in Church. In replying to the queries of the Governor I remarked that we would refuse to give any undertaking regarding our future conduct in Church and that we in Ireland always knew how to conduct themselves. "Well" he said "you will not get to Church again until you promise." Further requests were made to us to exercise and offers of unlimited time were of no avail. Frank Lawless who had not been barbered for some weeks was set upon by four warders and in attempt made to cut his hair with the result that two bunches of his hair were pulled out in the struggle. The next important move was when the Orderly on my landing shouted through the door "Aye Paddy you are going to be released - Bonar Law said so in the House last night." Coming events cast their shadows before. About three o'clock on that Saturday we were all assembl